Historical varieties of labor contention and hegemony in transnational docker campaigns
General Material Designation
[Thesis]
Subsequent Statement of Responsibility
;supervisor: Katz, Richard S
.PUBLICATION, DISTRIBUTION, ETC
Name of Publisher, Distributor, etc.
The Johns Hopkins University: United States -- Maryland
Date of Publication, Distribution, etc.
: 2010
PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION
Specific Material Designation and Extent of Item
507 pages
DISSERTATION (THESIS) NOTE
Dissertation or thesis details and type of degree
Ph.D.
Body granting the degree
, The Johns Hopkins University: United States -- Maryland
SUMMARY OR ABSTRACT
Text of Note
Theories of globalization have predicted: the diminishment of domestic political and institutional opportunity for union movements; the diminishment of both labor rights and citizen rights; and a convergence of labor repertoires across states. Concomitantly, theories of globalization have predicted a greater role for labor INGOs in organizing transnational labor solidarity campaigns, especially in the more neo-liberalized states, while neo-Kantian theories of transnationalism add an assumption of universal wisdom and non-partisanship to INGOs' performance. This dissertation tests these expectations on a universe of organized OECD labor, focusing on five transnational docker campaigns. It argues that party-governments become the engine rooms of neo-liberalization when the polity alliances of executive achieving parties undergo major change towards interested segments of capital and the intelligentsia.The study finds that, first, there persists a variety of capitalist regimes across the OECD, offering different categorical, political, and institutional opportunity to organized labor. Labor repertoires vary by capitalist regime: in corporatist regimes, unions rely on their labor rights and on alliances with other unions to fight their battles and engage in international solidarity. By contrast, in neo-liberal regimes unions rely on workers' one remaining power domain--their citizen rights and alliances with other citizens. Second, labor INGOs' role in transnational mobilization also relates to capitalist regime type: an INGO's effort in mobilizing affiliates increases the more corporatist a state. But the study also detects a systemic INGO bias against the representation and participation of unions in New Corporatist southern Europe that skews INGOs' campaign principles and practices towards the parochial interests of northern European, American, and Antipodean affiliates.That stratification is rooted in labor INGOs' political collusion with the rising hegemon during the world-scale critical contentious juncture that was the immediate aftermath of World War II. At the same time, the adoption of a "national sovereignty clause" in their organizations' constitutions, together with the partisan endowment of sovereignty, produced a closed system of representation that rendered bias path dependent. Labor INGOs have contingently created mechanisms that avert their internalized bias; but short of major constitutional change, their efforts to construct labor internationalism is constantly haunted by their partisan past.