The question addressed in this study is whether the' Gulf Coopenition Council has realpotential, intention or will to develop towards stronger forms of organization leadingtowards integration? What is the geo-politiCal. and i~stitutional space with~n Ã,·which theorganization may expand? The inst~tutional shape and geo-political range of theÃ,·Ã,·organization are at the heart of the ~dy. The form of the study is-theoretical andanalytic, calling on social and political theory and principles of law as well as politics andeconomy in a conventional way. Theory of regional organizations and their formal legal .qualities are important to the study. Controlled comparison with the EuropeanCommunitylUnion is made. _The GCC is foundedÃ,· on cohering factors of culture and social system, developmentaleconomy and shared security and strategic vulnerability. 'Rentier' socio-economy, 'oil,rent and welfare' underwrite the modem Gulf States.The Gulf Cooperation Council, as presently constituted, is primarily 'intergovernmental'in character. Sovereignties are established by and in law, but joining them regionally is'highly political'. The Charter and the Unified Economic Agreement are the 'constitutiveinstruments' of the organization,Ã,· hence understanding the organization is a matter ofpolitics and of law. A new Econom~c Agreement (2001) supersedes the UEA and createsgreater integrative prospects.-'Cooperation', 'coordination' and 'integration' are declared modes ofpolicy and action inthe Gulf Cooperation Council. Regional enterprise may be seen to be explicitly (in theED) or implicitly (in the GCC) an integrative course. Intergovernmentalism is a notableaspect of the GCC. Pragmatism rather than theory or ideology informs the organization,but this leads to excessive caution and concession to Member States' sovereignties, andso inhibited integrative progress. The organization's accomplishments so far are believedto fall short of intentions and expectations so that-the issue of greater 'assuredeffectiveness' should be pursued.Elements of developmental integration are set out in the study. Functional linkage and progressiveinstitutionalization are indicated. However, 'creative leadership' is vital inorder to pass autonomous powers of decision-making, with 'direct effect' from theMember States to the organization. Institutionalization of powers of decision-making inand for the region and powers of enforcement follow ifthe Gulf regional organization isto be advanced as a truly effective, supervening body. At present the organization relieson the 'highest authority' of its principal decision-making organ, the Supreme Council'(Ministerial Council). The principles and practices of the traditional political-legal systems ofthe six Member States prevaiL However, 'competence' to decide is not powerto have implemented.'Dual' status of the Supreme Council is discussed. TheÃ,·Supreme Council, constituted as'meetings of heads of states' (,summits') exercising their 'full powers' as Rulers, doesnot have the status of a substantive corporate body. The regional system is dependent onthe traditional legitimacy of the Rulers' and their 'highest authority'\ and so on 'trust'among them. But transfer by analogy to the regional organization does not work. Thepolitical theory ofconsensus, consent and trust is deployed.'Leadership choice' (or 'preference') has not driven the organization clearly in thedirection of integration. Agreements founded solely in conSent and consensus are notenforceable. What is compelling in principle does not lead to 'assured effectiveness' inpractice. The GCe is not based on 'rule of law', and there is no juristic instrument. TheCommission for the Settlement of Disputes is irrelevant. Regionally instituted'commercial arbitration' represents a significant element of joint economic integrativeprogress. Difficulties in 'unifying law(s) in the Gulf region are remarked on. TheConsultative Council has been constrained in fonn and function within the prevailingtraditional political concepts and practice.Advantages of unification over a wider range of the Gulf area are more evident in theorythan in practice. Structural and conceptual change in. the regional organization, newimbalances of size and power would be entailed. Whatever 'enlargement' mightconceivably take place would bring involvement in new economic and strategicenvironments, at best of mixed, or of uncertain benefit. Would the Arabian Gulf regionbecome not so much the core of a greater unification, but a hinterland of radicallychanged strategic scenarios and instabilities? This does not foreclose on alternativeassociative forms among would-be partners.