Revised ed. of author's thesis (doctoral)--University of Tübingen, 2007
Includes bibliographical references (pages [249]-259) and index
Introduction -- Negative indefinites -- Sentential negation -- Definition of sentential negation -- The position of sentential negation -- Outline of the book -- Negative concord -- The phenomenon of negative concord -- First data -- Strict and non-strict negative concord -- Approaches to negative concord -- Negative indefinites as negative polarity items -- Negative indefinites as negative quantifiers -- Negative indefinites as being ambiguous between negative quantifiers and NPIs -- Negative concord as syntactic agreement -- The approach of Zeijlstra (2004) -- Negative indefinites not associating with sentential negation -- Negative concord in French -- Summary -- Split Scope of NIs in German -- Data -- Modal and other restructuring verbs -- Transitive intensional verbs -- Predicative uses -- Topic-focus accent -- Idiomatic expressions -- Further data -- Conclusion from the data -- Analysis of negative indefinites in German -- Scope splitting with respect to verbs -- Scope splitting under topic-focus accent -- Negative indefinites in sentence-initial position -- Negative indefinites in sentence-initial position -- Comparison with other accounts -- Amalgamation and incorporation -- Quantification over abstract individuals -- Quantification over higher types -- Summary -- Scope Splitting with Other Downward-Entailing Quantifiers -- Background -- Only -- Fewer/less than -- Few/little -- At most -- Summary -- Distributional restrictions in Scandinavian -- The distribution of negative indefinites in Scandinavian -- Analysis of negative indefinites in Scandinavian -- Comparison with other accounts -- Cross-linguistic perspective on negative indefinites in double negation languages -- The Nature of the Licensing Relation -- LF movement of negative indefinites -- Unselective binding -- Association with operators in a Hamblin semantics -- Distribution of indefinites in negative contexts -- Tests for the Quantificational Force of Negative Indefinites -- Background -- Modification by exceptive constructions -- Modification by almost -- Previous analyses of almost -- Almost as an operator evaluating scalar alternatives -- Negative indefinites modified by almost -- Incompatibility of almost and NPIs -- Remarks on the syntax of almost -- Summary
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Doris Penka delivers a unified analysis of the semantics and syntax of negative indefinites as in the expressions nobody, nothing, never and nowhere and their counterparts in other languages. Contrary to standard assumptions, the author argues that these expressions are not inherently negative and are only licensed by a covert negation